Ecuadorian vs Central American Indian Community Comparison

The statistical analysis conducted on geographies consisting of 245,244,426 people shows a poor negative correlation between the proportion of Central American Indians within Ecuadorian communities in the United States with a correlation coefficient (R) of -0.115. On average, for every 1% (one percent) increase in Ecuadorians within a typical geography, there is a decrease of 0.004% in Central American Indians. To illustrate, in a geography comprising of 100,000 individuals, a rise of 1,000 Ecuadorians corresponds to a decrease of 4.1 Central American Indians.

When considering income, the most significant differences between Ecuadorian and Central American Indian communities in the United States are seen in per capita income ($41,958 compared to $37,699, a difference of 11.3%), householder income ages 25 - 44 years ($91,574 compared to $82,355, a difference of 11.2%), and householder income under 25 years ($53,911 compared to $48,643, a difference of 10.8%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of wage/income gap (22.9% compared to 22.7%, a difference of 1.0%), householder income over 65 years ($54,958 compared to $53,232, a difference of 3.2%), and median family income ($95,114 compared to $88,034, a difference of 8.0%).

When considering poverty, the most significant differences between Ecuadorian and Central American Indian communities in the United States are seen in single male poverty (12.5% compared to 17.2%, a difference of 38.1%), single father poverty (16.5% compared to 21.7%, a difference of 31.4%), and married-couple family poverty (6.5% compared to 8.3%, a difference of 27.5%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of seniors poverty over the age of 75 (15.7% compared to 16.5%, a difference of 5.1%), seniors poverty over the age of 65 (14.0% compared to 15.1%, a difference of 7.8%), and single mother poverty (30.8% compared to 34.3%, a difference of 11.5%).

When considering unemployment, the most significant differences between Ecuadorian and Central American Indian communities in the United States are seen in unemployment among women with children under 6 years (7.9% compared to 9.6%, a difference of 21.2%), unemployment among ages 60 to 64 years (5.8% compared to 5.1%, a difference of 12.2%), and unemployment among ages 25 to 29 years (7.4% compared to 7.9%, a difference of 7.1%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of unemployment among ages 55 to 59 years (5.6% compared to 5.6%, a difference of 0.19%), unemployment among ages 45 to 54 years (5.3% compared to 5.3%, a difference of 0.21%), and female unemployment (6.3% compared to 6.3%, a difference of 0.41%).

When considering labor participation, the most significant differences between Ecuadorian and Central American Indian communities in the United States are seen in in labor force | age 16-19 (31.4% compared to 34.1%, a difference of 8.5%), in labor force | age > 16 (65.6% compared to 63.4%, a difference of 3.6%), and in labor force | age 20-64 (79.4% compared to 77.1%, a difference of 3.0%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of in labor force | age 20-24 (72.4% compared to 72.7%, a difference of 0.37%), in labor force | age 30-34 (84.4% compared to 83.0%, a difference of 1.7%), and in labor force | age 35-44 (84.2% compared to 82.5%, a difference of 2.1%).

When considering family structure, the most significant differences between Ecuadorian and Central American Indian communities in the United States are seen in births to unmarried women (33.3% compared to 39.0%, a difference of 17.1%), single father households (2.4% compared to 2.7%, a difference of 11.7%), and divorced or separated (11.7% compared to 12.7%, a difference of 8.0%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of family households (65.0% compared to 65.2%, a difference of 0.34%), family households with children (27.8% compared to 27.9%, a difference of 0.47%), and married-couple households (43.5% compared to 43.8%, a difference of 0.65%).

When considering vehicle availability, the most significant differences between Ecuadorian and Central American Indian communities in the United States are seen in no vehicles in household (22.8% compared to 13.3%, a difference of 70.4%), 4 or more vehicles in household (4.5% compared to 6.5%, a difference of 44.9%), and 3 or more vehicles in household (14.1% compared to 19.0%, a difference of 35.5%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of 1 or more vehicles in household (77.9% compared to 86.7%, a difference of 11.3%), 2 or more vehicles in household (42.0% compared to 52.5%, a difference of 25.1%), and 3 or more vehicles in household (14.1% compared to 19.0%, a difference of 35.5%).

When considering education level, the most significant differences between Ecuadorian and Central American Indian communities in the United States are seen in master's degree (14.0% compared to 12.4%, a difference of 12.5%), bachelor's degree (35.4% compared to 32.5%, a difference of 8.7%), and professional degree (3.9% compared to 3.6%, a difference of 7.9%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of 3rd grade (96.7% compared to 96.7%, a difference of 0.030%), 2nd grade (96.9% compared to 97.0%, a difference of 0.060%), and nursery school (97.1% compared to 97.2%, a difference of 0.12%).

When considering disability, the most significant differences between Ecuadorian and Central American Indian communities in the United States are seen in vision disability (2.3% compared to 3.0%, a difference of 34.2%), hearing disability (2.5% compared to 3.3%, a difference of 29.8%), and disability age 35 to 64 (10.7% compared to 13.0%, a difference of 21.9%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of cognitive disability (17.2% compared to 18.2%, a difference of 5.6%), disability age over 75 (47.4% compared to 50.5%, a difference of 6.6%), and self-care disability (2.6% compared to 2.7%, a difference of 7.3%).