Marshallese vs Central American Indian Community Comparison

The statistical analysis conducted on geographies consisting of 12,695,290 people shows a substantial negative correlation between the proportion of Central American Indians within Marshallese communities in the United States with a correlation coefficient (R) of -0.502. On average, for every 1% (one percent) increase in Marshallese within a typical geography, there is a decrease of 0.038% in Central American Indians. To illustrate, in a geography comprising of 100,000 individuals, a rise of 1,000 Marshallese corresponds to a decrease of 38.2 Central American Indians.

When considering income, the most significant differences between Marshallese and Central American Indian communities in the United States are seen in householder income over 65 years ($65,874 compared to $53,232, a difference of 23.7%), median family income ($95,293 compared to $88,034, a difference of 8.2%), and median household income ($78,930 compared to $74,847, a difference of 5.5%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of median earnings ($41,969 compared to $41,474, a difference of 1.2%), median female earnings ($36,459 compared to $35,930, a difference of 1.5%), and median male earnings ($48,137 compared to $47,433, a difference of 1.5%).

When considering poverty, the most significant differences between Marshallese and Central American Indian communities in the United States are seen in married-couple family poverty (5.2% compared to 8.3%, a difference of 58.6%), seniors poverty over the age of 75 (10.7% compared to 16.5%, a difference of 54.1%), and seniors poverty over the age of 65 (10.2% compared to 15.1%, a difference of 47.9%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of single male poverty (16.4% compared to 17.2%, a difference of 4.9%), single mother poverty (32.1% compared to 34.3%, a difference of 7.0%), and female poverty among 18-24 year olds (20.9% compared to 22.6%, a difference of 8.0%).

When considering unemployment, the most significant differences between Marshallese and Central American Indian communities in the United States are seen in unemployment among ages 60 to 64 years (3.7% compared to 5.1%, a difference of 36.9%), unemployment among ages 25 to 29 years (6.4% compared to 7.9%, a difference of 24.4%), and unemployment among women with children under 18 years (5.6% compared to 6.7%, a difference of 19.6%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of unemployment among ages 65 to 74 years (5.7% compared to 5.7%, a difference of 0.080%), unemployment among women with children under 6 years (9.6% compared to 9.6%, a difference of 0.11%), and unemployment among seniors over 65 years (5.3% compared to 5.4%, a difference of 2.2%).

When considering labor participation, the most significant differences between Marshallese and Central American Indian communities in the United States are seen in in labor force | age 16-19 (39.5% compared to 34.1%, a difference of 15.8%), in labor force | age 20-24 (77.4% compared to 72.7%, a difference of 6.6%), and in labor force | age 30-34 (79.2% compared to 83.0%, a difference of 4.8%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of in labor force | age 35-44 (82.4% compared to 82.5%, a difference of 0.11%), in labor force | age 45-54 (80.3% compared to 80.0%, a difference of 0.46%), and in labor force | age 25-29 (83.3% compared to 82.4%, a difference of 1.1%).

When considering family structure, the most significant differences between Marshallese and Central American Indian communities in the United States are seen in single mother households (6.3% compared to 7.6%, a difference of 19.4%), births to unmarried women (34.8% compared to 39.0%, a difference of 12.1%), and single father households (2.4% compared to 2.7%, a difference of 9.6%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of average family size (3.38 compared to 3.35, a difference of 0.99%), married-couple households (44.6% compared to 43.8%, a difference of 2.0%), and family households (63.7% compared to 65.2%, a difference of 2.3%).

When considering vehicle availability, the most significant differences between Marshallese and Central American Indian communities in the United States are seen in no vehicles in household (9.8% compared to 13.3%, a difference of 35.9%), 4 or more vehicles in household (8.1% compared to 6.5%, a difference of 25.9%), and 3 or more vehicles in household (21.3% compared to 19.0%, a difference of 11.8%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of 1 or more vehicles in household (90.4% compared to 86.7%, a difference of 4.2%), 2 or more vehicles in household (54.9% compared to 52.5%, a difference of 4.5%), and 3 or more vehicles in household (21.3% compared to 19.0%, a difference of 11.8%).

When considering education level, the most significant differences between Marshallese and Central American Indian communities in the United States are seen in no schooling completed (2.0% compared to 2.8%, a difference of 43.9%), master's degree (11.6% compared to 12.4%, a difference of 7.5%), and ged/equivalency (84.9% compared to 80.6%, a difference of 5.3%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of nursery school (98.1% compared to 97.2%, a difference of 0.93%), kindergarten (98.1% compared to 97.2%, a difference of 0.94%), and 1st grade (98.0% compared to 97.1%, a difference of 0.94%).

When considering disability, the most significant differences between Marshallese and Central American Indian communities in the United States are seen in disability age under 5 (0.94% compared to 1.3%, a difference of 42.2%), vision disability (2.3% compared to 3.0%, a difference of 31.9%), and hearing disability (3.8% compared to 3.3%, a difference of 16.9%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of disability (13.1% compared to 13.2%, a difference of 0.46%), disability age over 75 (50.1% compared to 50.5%, a difference of 0.85%), and male disability (12.9% compared to 12.7%, a difference of 1.9%).