Brazilian vs Mexican American Indian Community Comparison

The statistical analysis conducted on geographies consisting of 226,763,760 people shows a poor positive correlation between the proportion of Mexican American Indians within Brazilian communities in the United States with a correlation coefficient (R) of 0.104. On average, for every 1% (one percent) increase in Brazilians within a typical geography, there is an increase of 0.013% in Mexican American Indians. To illustrate, in a geography comprising of 100,000 individuals, a rise of 1,000 Brazilians corresponds to an increase of 13.3 Mexican American Indians.

When considering income, the most significant differences between Brazilian and Mexican American Indian communities in the United States are seen in per capita income ($46,700 compared to $37,407, a difference of 24.8%), median male earnings ($56,837 compared to $47,990, a difference of 18.4%), and median family income ($106,942 compared to $90,918, a difference of 17.6%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of householder income under 25 years ($54,335 compared to $51,783, a difference of 4.9%), wage/income gap (26.7% compared to 24.7%, a difference of 8.1%), and householder income over 65 years ($61,465 compared to $56,089, a difference of 9.6%).

When considering poverty, the most significant differences between Brazilian and Mexican American Indian communities in the United States are seen in married-couple family poverty (5.0% compared to 6.4%, a difference of 27.6%), family poverty (8.6% compared to 10.9%, a difference of 26.3%), and child poverty among girls under 16 (15.4% compared to 19.5%, a difference of 26.3%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of single father poverty (15.5% compared to 15.5%, a difference of 0.33%), seniors poverty over the age of 75 (12.8% compared to 13.6%, a difference of 6.1%), and seniors poverty over the age of 65 (11.3% compared to 12.4%, a difference of 9.1%).

When considering unemployment, the most significant differences between Brazilian and Mexican American Indian communities in the United States are seen in unemployment among ages 25 to 29 years (6.5% compared to 7.3%, a difference of 11.8%), male unemployment (5.2% compared to 5.8%, a difference of 11.2%), and unemployment among women with children under 6 years (7.7% compared to 8.5%, a difference of 10.9%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of unemployment among seniors over 65 years (5.5% compared to 5.4%, a difference of 0.29%), unemployment among ages 65 to 74 years (5.6% compared to 5.7%, a difference of 1.4%), and unemployment among women with children ages 6 to 17 years (9.1% compared to 8.9%, a difference of 1.7%).

When considering labor participation, the most significant differences between Brazilian and Mexican American Indian communities in the United States are seen in in labor force | age 16-19 (37.5% compared to 36.0%, a difference of 4.3%), in labor force | age 45-54 (83.7% compared to 80.7%, a difference of 3.7%), and in labor force | age 20-64 (80.5% compared to 78.2%, a difference of 3.0%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of in labor force | age 20-24 (75.8% compared to 75.4%, a difference of 0.47%), in labor force | age 30-34 (85.4% compared to 83.2%, a difference of 2.6%), and in labor force | age > 16 (66.6% compared to 64.9%, a difference of 2.6%).

When considering family structure, the most significant differences between Brazilian and Mexican American Indian communities in the United States are seen in single father households (2.2% compared to 2.8%, a difference of 26.4%), single mother households (6.2% compared to 7.4%, a difference of 17.9%), and births to unmarried women (30.4% compared to 35.7%, a difference of 17.7%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of divorced or separated (12.1% compared to 12.0%, a difference of 0.28%), married-couple households (46.2% compared to 45.9%, a difference of 0.58%), and currently married (46.4% compared to 44.5%, a difference of 4.3%).

When considering vehicle availability, the most significant differences between Brazilian and Mexican American Indian communities in the United States are seen in 4 or more vehicles in household (5.4% compared to 8.4%, a difference of 56.4%), 3 or more vehicles in household (17.4% compared to 23.3%, a difference of 33.5%), and no vehicles in household (10.4% compared to 9.1%, a difference of 14.2%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of 1 or more vehicles in household (90.0% compared to 91.0%, a difference of 1.1%), 2 or more vehicles in household (53.8% compared to 58.7%, a difference of 9.2%), and no vehicles in household (10.4% compared to 9.1%, a difference of 14.2%).

When considering education level, the most significant differences between Brazilian and Mexican American Indian communities in the United States are seen in no schooling completed (2.1% compared to 3.2%, a difference of 54.6%), professional degree (5.0% compared to 3.3%, a difference of 52.7%), and doctorate degree (2.1% compared to 1.4%, a difference of 50.3%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of kindergarten (97.9% compared to 96.8%, a difference of 1.2%), nursery school (98.0% compared to 96.9%, a difference of 1.2%), and 1st grade (97.9% compared to 96.8%, a difference of 1.2%).

When considering disability, the most significant differences between Brazilian and Mexican American Indian communities in the United States are seen in disability age 65 to 74 (22.4% compared to 26.2%, a difference of 17.0%), disability age under 5 (1.5% compared to 1.3%, a difference of 16.0%), and disability age 35 to 64 (10.5% compared to 12.0%, a difference of 14.7%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of cognitive disability (17.1% compared to 17.9%, a difference of 4.6%), hearing disability (2.9% compared to 3.0%, a difference of 4.7%), and female disability (11.8% compared to 12.3%, a difference of 4.7%).